This paper offers a new analysis of English tough constructions that resolves the tension between their internal A-bar dependency and the robust absence of reconstruction effects. This study claims that the tough-subject construction involves the base-generation of the matrix subject, which saturates a property () derived by null operator movement in the embedded clause. The lower copy of the operator is analyzed as a null resumptive pronoun rather than as a variable trace. This assumption explains the lack of Condition C and Weak Crossover effects while preserving the operator dependency required to license parasitic gaps. Finally, this analysis derives the asymmetry in experiencer PP licensing from a fundamental difference in semantic typing. The analysis demonstrates that while the expletive variant selects a proposition () capable of supporting external modification, thetough-subject variant selects a property that structurally excludes experiencer PPs.
Soo-Min Hong (Wed,) studied this question.