This paper investigates the question of whether the widespread modern realization of * hw ‐ with a velar or uvular fricative xw‐, ??w‐ in Welsh and Breton is sufficiently early to be shared or if it is late and due to independent developments. The paper argues in favour of an early terminus ante quem for the development * hw ‐ > * xw ‐ in Breton, before the establishment of Middle Breton spelling conventions. This is based upon the attested spelling patterns and upon what appears to be an early analogical back‐formation requiring a stage with phonetic xw‐ or ??w‐ for * hw ‐. Accordingly, the Breton material appears to indicate a relatively early date for the change, compatible with it being part of a late, common Neo-Brittonic development.
Anders Richardt Jørgensen (2026) studied this question.